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September 30, 2006, 1:48 PM

The Zionist hawk among Israeli journalists

By Robert Fulford, National Post, Canada


She thinks this may be the worst time ever for Israelis. Their country has suffered through earlier wars, "but in 1948 and 1967 we at least knew we had to win -- and we were the good guys." This summer, as she sees it, Israel lacked the determination to win. And of course it's a long time since Israelis were considered the good guys. Around the world many people, even some Jews, think less highly of Israelis than they do of Palestinians who wrap their young people in dynamite and send them off to commit suicide and wanton murder.


Glick writes in Hebrew and English (the latter for the Jerusalem Post), she lectures at the Israeli war college, and she works on research projects at the Center for Security Policy in Washington. She's been an Israeli for 15 years, and for most of that time a severe critic of dangerous compromise.


In 1993 Glick read the declaration of principles signed on the White House lawn. Then a young lieutenant in the Israeli Defence Force, she was appalled by what the politicians and diplomats had come up with. "That was the most frightening moment of my life." It articulated the land-for-peace idea, which seemed reasonable in the West: Israel would surrender land in return for a workable peace treaty.


That was never more than a fairy tale, but it led Israelis into a long, foolish dance of diplomacy. Israel helped rehabilitate Yasser Arafat, a career terrorist and crook who then won a 1994 Nobel Peace Prize. Seven years later, Arafat made idiots of the Nobel committee, and every other political naif who believed him, by turning to terrorism again, no surprise to Glick.


She says Israelis have consistently misled themselves about their enemies, such as Fatah, Arafat's old outfit. "We have been deluding ourselves. It has been a terrorist organization all along. We saw it as our peace partner." Even today the Israelis -- forever earnest, forever hopeful -- talk about the Palestinians as partners in following "the road map" to peace.


Now the Olmert administration claims Israel won the 2006 war. But Glick argues that in five weeks Israel managed to undermine its alliance with America while handing Syria, Hezbollah and Iran their greatest diplomatic achievements.


The Americans, she says, have lost faith in Israel as an ally. George Bush "gave Israel every opportunity to win this war, even signalling clearly that Israel should feel free to go as far as Beirut if necessary," but discovered that Olmert didn't want to fight. "The Americans were shocked by Israel's performance."


She believes we should stop defining the Arab-Israel conflict as a territorial dispute and instead see Israel as the front line in the struggle against jihad. She thinks Benjamin Netanyahu (she once worked as his assistant) understands this reality, and, if elected prime minister at the head of Likud, will lead Israel in a more sensible direction.


By now, everyone except Olmert and his colleagues knows Israel is in trouble. Perhaps the only people in deeper trouble than the Israelis are the Palestinians. They seem even more eager than ever to put a noose around their own necks and tighten it. They voted for Hamas, a terrorist gang, in a democratic election, which prompted aid-giving countries to cut off their funds. As long-time UN aid dependants, they can't look after themselves. But Hamas would rather see Palestinians starve than recognize Israel's right to exist.


Recently Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian Authority, announced that Hamas had agreed to take part in a national unity government, but that plan was crumbling even as Abbas spoke. Any such government would involve some recognition of Israel, which is unacceptable to the director of the Hamas political bureau (who lives in Damascus, eating well).


Now it appears that the Palestinians (who supported Hitler, the Soviet Union and Saddam Hussein) have become admirers of Hezbollah. A poll conducted by Israeli and Palestinian academics a week ago showed that 63% of Palestinians want to emulate Hezbollah and fire rockets at Israeli cities. It was as if they were going out of their way to demonstrate that the bleakest visions of Caroline Glick are no more than the simple truth.


robert.fulford@utoronto.ca

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August 28, 2006, 2:14 PM

Mark Steyn - Espying the Jew

Earlier this year, I chanced to be at a public meeting with the great Caroline Glick of the Jerusalem Post. Afterwards, a gentleman from the audience casually made some allusion to some or other aspect of the Jewish calendar, at which I looked momentarily befuddled. And so Caroline helpfully explained to him that “Mark’s not a Jew, but he plays one on TV.”

By which she meant that, as I publicly “defend” Israel (which is, in itself, a curious formulation, implying that the issue is the legitimacy of the Zionist Entity) and as I have a suspiciously Jewish-sounding name, I’ve been routinely assumed, at least since 9/11, to be a Jew. I’m honored to be so mistaken. And, in truth, even if I weren’t, there’s not much I could do about it.

Someone asked me on the radio in Australia, two-thirds into a long, long discussion, about how Jewish I was, and I answered that the last Jewish female in my line was one of my paternal great-grandmothers and that both my grandmothers were Catholic. I then filled in a bit of remaining family background for the two or three Aussies who hadn’t yet expired from total boredom.

And, of course, I’d only been off the air for ten minutes before I was deluged with e-mails triumphantly announcing, “Ah-ha, something to hide, have we, Steyn? Or should I say Stein? Or is it Goldstein? Why so defensive about being Jewish, eh? How come you don’t have the guts to declare your Jewishness every time you write about Israel? Or do your Jewish media masters encourage you to lie to your readers?”

I didn’t know I was hiding it. There’s a couple of FAQs about it on the biographical page of my website — “But why not on the homepage, Goldsteinberg, eh? Something to be ashamed of, is it?” — and, given the number of columns I’ve published about Israel since 2001, it would be a bit clunky to have to explain it every time. I did think of writing back to my correspondents wondering if they could suggest a convenient shorthand — a yellow star next to the byline, maybe.

But I realized, in fact, that this cheap crack would be doing the Third Reich an injustice. Even the Nuremberg Laws would have cut me more slack than my Internet chastisers: “Article Five, Section One: A Jew is an individual who is descended from at least three grandparents who were, racially, full Jews.” Under the 1935 German laws on race, I would have qualified as a bona fide citizen of the Reich. But the cyber-enforcers among my readers run a tighter ship than the Führer. Half my mail reads like some ancient Woody Allen pickup line: Have you got a little Jew in you? Would you like one?

Nick Cohen, of the Observer in London, found himself in a similar situation. Pre-9/11, I always thought of him as an Old Labour leftie -- i.e., well to the left of Tony Blair. But he knew enough about the Iraqi victims of Saddamite totalitarianism to be unimpressed by the pre-war London “peace” marches. And so he too was deluged by mail accusing him of bad faith or, more to the point, bad blood:

“I typed out a reply that read, ‘but there hasn’t been a Jewish member of my family for 100 years.’ I sounded like a German begging a Gestapo officer to see the mistake in the paperwork. Mercifully, I hit the ‘delete’ button before sending.”

So, yes, I am a Jew, because, after all, only a Jew could “defend” Israel, right? I don’t really “defend” it on anything but utilitarian grounds: Every country in the region -- Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia -- dates as a sovereign state from 60–70 years ago. The only difference is that Israel has made a go of it. So should we have more states like Israel in the region or more like Syria? I don’t find that a hard question to answer.

And the minute people start arguing about going back to the “1967 borders” or the “1949 armistice,” I figure, Why stop there? Why not go back to the 1922 settlement when the British Mandate of Palestine was created and rethink London’s decision to give 78 percent of the land to what’s now Jordan? If you propose that, folks think you’re nuts. But why should 40- or 60-year-old lines on a map be up for perpetual renegotiation but 80-year-old lines be considered inviolable?

Well, because one involves Jews and the other doesn’t. The oldest hatred didn’t get that way without an ability to adapt. Jews are hated for what they are — so, at any moment in history, whatever they are is what they’re hated for. For centuries in Europe, they were hated for being rootless-cosmopolitan types. Now there are no rootless European Jews to hate, so they’re hated for being an illegitimate Middle Eastern nation-state. If the Zionist Entity were destroyed and the survivors forced to become perpetual cruise-line stewards plying the Caribbean, they’d be hated for that, too.

The only difference now is that Jew-hatred is resurgent despite the full knowledge of where it ended up 60 years ago. Today, Nasrallah and Ahmadinejad openly urge the destruction of the Jews, and moderate Muslim leaders sit silently alongside them, and European media commentators take the side of the genocide-inciters, and U.N. bigwigs insist we negotiate with them. In the 1930s, the willingness of Europe not to see the implied endpoint in those German citizenship laws left a moral stain on that continent. Seventy years on, it’s not implied, and the moral stain on us will be worse.

Originally published in The National Review
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